1 Ocak 2013 Salı

Two more perspectives on the Supreme Court and gun control

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● Jeffrey Toobin, in The New Yorker, on how members of the extremist majority on the Supreme Court, such as Justice Antonin Scalia, made a mockery of their own professed belief in "originalism" to radically revise the meaning of the Second Amendment:
Does the Second Amendment prevent Congress from passing gun-control laws? The question, which is suddenly pressing, in light of the reaction to the school massacre in Newtown, is rooted in politics as much as law.
Antonin Scalia
For more than a hundred years, the answer was clear, even if the words of the amendment itself were not. The text of the amendment is divided into two clauses and is, as a whole, ungrammatical: “A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.” The courts had found that the first part, the “militia clause,” trumped the second part, the “bear arms” clause. In other words, according to the Supreme Court, and the lower courts as well, the amendment conferred on state militias a right to bear arms—but did not give individuals a right to own or carry a weapon.
Enter the modern National Rifle Association ... [which] pushed for a novel interpretation of the Second Amendment, one that gave individuals, not just militias, the right to bear arms. It was an uphill struggle. At first, their views were widely scorned. Chief Justice Warren E. Burger, who was no liberal, mocked the individual-rights theory of the amendment as “a fraud.”
But the N.R.A. kept pushing—and there’s a lesson here. Conservatives often embrace “originalism,” the idea that the meaning of the Constitution was fixed when it was ratified, in 1787. They mock the so-called liberal idea of a “living” constitution, whose meaning changes with the values of the country at large. But there is no better example of the living Constitution than the conservative re-casting of the Second Amendment in the last few decades of the twentieth century. ... 
Read the full article here
And hear more from Jeffrey Toobin on a range of other issues in our recent conversation with him.


● The New York Times on how the Supreme Court ruling, written by Scalia, strking down the District of Columbia ban on handguns, while not preventing all gun regulation, further emboldened the National Rifle Association:
The N.R.A., emboldened by a Supreme Court rulingasserting an individual constitutional right to bear arms, has turned itsattention to further broadening the market, lobbying state legislatures toallow concealed weapons in churches, schools and other public places and torestrict the discretion of local police in granting gun permits.
Read the full editorial here 

Guest Blog: It was done on Tobacco. It can be done on guns.

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By Dennis Henigan

I spenttwenty-three proud years of my life as a lawyer and advocate for the guncontrol cause.  Countless times, afteregregious acts of mass violence with guns were followed by cowardly excuses forinaction by our political leaders, I would wonder:  What will it take?  What kind of horror must our nationexperience before the politicians finally defy the gun lobby and startprotecting the American people?

After SandyHook, I think we may know the answer.  Asour citizens confront the inconceivable reality of 20 first graders (and six caringadults) shot to death in their school, there is a palpable shared feeling thatwe can tolerate the slaughter no longer. Deep inside our collective consciousness, we know that, if our leadersdo nothing, we will suffer the horror again and again and again.  And we can’t stand the thought of it.    Yes, SandyHook is different.  The attack on anelementary school classroom taps into our most elemental instinct as adults andparents -- to protect the children before all else.  I now work in the tobacco control movementand one parallel to guns is striking.  Akey turning point on the tobacco issue was the revelation that the tobaccocompanies were deliberately acting to addict our children to a lethal product.   When the welfare of our kids is at risk, weinsist that something be done. 
Everything Iknow about the gun issue tells me we are entering a period of unprecedentednational self-examination about what gun violence is doing to our nation.  And we will not be satisfied with aconversation.  We must have action.
The Americanpeople can overcome the gun lobby, but only if we confront, and expose, threemyths that have long dominated the gun debate and given the politicians a readyexcuse for inaction. 
  • First, wemust not let the opponents of reform get away with the empty bromide that “gunsdon’t kill people, people kill people.”  Doesany rational person really believe that the Sandy Hook killer could havemurdered 26 people in minutes with a knife or a baseball bat?   Guns enable people to kill, more effectivelyand efficiently than any other widely available weapon. 
  • Second, wemust challenge the idea that no law can prevent violent people from gettingguns.   This canard is refuted by theexperience of every other western industrialized nation.  Their violent crime rates are comparable toours.  But their homicide rates areexponentially lower because their strong gun laws make it harder for violentindividuals to get guns. 
  • Third, wemust not accept the notion that our Constitution condemns us to the continuedslaughter of our children.  It is truethat the Supreme Court has expanded gun rights in recent years; it is equally truethat the Court has insisted that the right allows for reasonablerestrictions.  In his opinion in the Heller gun rights case, Justice Scalialisted restrictions on “dangerous and unusual weapons” among the kinds of gunlaws that are still “presumptively lawful”. Assault weapons that fire scores of rounds without reloading surely are“dangerous and unusual”.

The tobaccocontrol movement overcame some equally powerful mythology to fundamentallyalter American attitudes toward tobacco products.   The tobacco industry’s effort to sowconfusion and uncertainty about the link between smoking and disease eventuallywas exposed as a fraud.  The entrenchedview that smoking was simply a bad habit that individuals can choose to breakwas destroyed by evidence that the tobacco companies knew that nicotine waspowerfully addictive and engineered their cigarettes to ensure that people gothooked and stayed hooked.   Theassumption that smoking harms only the smoker was contradicted by theoverwhelming evidence of the danger of second-hand smoke.  
Once thesemyths were exposed, attitudes changed, policies changed and we started savingcountless lives.  Since youth smokingpeaked in the mid-1990s, smoking rates have fallen by about three-fourths among 8thgraders, two-thirds among 10th graders and half among 12thgraders.  A sea change has occurred onthe tobacco issue.
Similarlyfundamental change can come to the gun issue as well.  The myths about gun control, however, stillhave a hold on too many of our political leaders and their constituents.  We will hear them repeated again and again inthe coming weeks of intense debate. Every time we hear them, we must respond and we must persuade.
There is toomuch at stake to be silent.   
Dennis Henigan is Director of Policy Analysisand Research at the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids and a former Vice Presidentof the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence.  He is the author ofLethal Logic:  Exploding the Mythsthat Paralyze American Gun Policy (Potomac Books 2009)

Eddie Eagle is no alternative to gun control

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We will leave most of the responses to the National RifleAssociation’s callous, cynical statement about the Newtown tragedy to groups like AFJmembers the Violence Policy Center, and States United to Stop Gun Violence.
But we couldn’t help but note that the NRA once again toutedits “Eddie Eagle” program as supposedly promoting gun safety for children.
AFJ examined the Eddie Eagle program more than a decade ago,as part of Deadly Business, our FirstMonday documentary about how the gun industry markets its product.  In this excerpt from Deadly Business, Prof. Marjorie Hardy discusses the strong evidencethat the program is a failure.  She saysthis of the NRA:
 I think they don’tcare if it works.  I think this is theirway of redirecting attention from gun laws and legislatures to saying: Look, wehave this way of keeping kids safe so we don’t need all these laws on thebooks.  

When we checked the NRA website today we found all sorts ofmaterial touting the Eddie Eagle program – butno studies indicating that it actually works.
The full videos of DeadlyBusiness and our other First Monday documentary on gun control, America Up in Arms, are available here.

And on our Bolder Advocacy Blog: A look at the nonprofits leading the fight against the gun lobby.

The REAL danger in Instagram's new Terms of Use: forced arbitration

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Perhaps you’ve read about the controversy over new “Terms of Use” from the photo-sharing service Instagram, which now is owned by Facebook.  Under the terms, if you use Instagram it is free to sell your photos, your likeness and pretty much anything else it knows about you to advertisers – without any further consent on your part, and without compensating you.  And if, by some chance, you’re under 18, Instagram assumes that when you click “accept,” at least one parent has read over the terms and agreed to them on your behalf.
The ensuing furor prompted Instagram to issue a statement saying, in effect, well, yes, that’s what we said, but it’s not what we meant. The company then withdrew that particular language.
But, as a Reuters story points out, that’s not even the scariest part of the new Terms of Use.
This is:
EXCEPT IF YOU OPT-OUT AND EXCEPT FOR CERTAIN TYPES OF DISPUTES DESCRIBED IN THE ARBITRATION SECTION BELOW, YOU AGREE THAT DISPUTES BETWEEN YOU AND INSTAGRAM WILL BE RESOLVED BY BINDING, INDIVIDUAL ARBITRATION AND YOU WAIVE YOUR RIGHT TO PARTICIPATE IN A CLASS ACTION LAWSUIT OR CLASS-WIDE ARBITRATION. [Caps and boldface in original].
Once the new terms take effect, existing users will have only 30 days to opt out.  New users will have only 30 days after they join. And if you want to opt out, you’ll have to have to do it by snail mail.  The only other choice: Cancel your Instagram account.  But, according to lawyers who are suing Instagram, if you do that, you lose all rights to photos you've already uploaded.“A FREE PASS TO BREAK THE LAW”If these terms take effect as planned on Jan. 16, Instagram will be the latest in a long line of companies to block your fundamental right to justice by forcing you into a system where the deck is stacked against you at every turn.  And if Instagram can get away with it now, will Instagram’s parent company, Facebook, try it next?As we said in our 2011 report, Arbitration Activism, the arbitration system gives corporations “a free pass to break the law.”  In keeping with its never-ending deference to corporate special interests, the right-wing majority on the U.S. Supreme Court effectively rewrote federal law, issuing decision after decision helping big business make the most of that free pass.For starters, facing off against a corporation in arbitration is like playing a baseball game in which the other team hires, fires – and pays – the umpires.  So it’s no wonder a study of top arbitrators for one major arbitration firm found that they rule for big business 93.8 percent of the time.  In addition:● Filing fees often are higher in arbitration; that can discourage individuals from suing, particularly over relatively small dollar amounts.● Rules of discovery are fashioned by the arbitration firms and, yes, by the big businesses that hire them.● It’s almost impossible to appeal.● Proceedings are secret; they don’t even have to produce a transcript.  As we note in Arbitration Activism “corporations can prevent negative publicity, keep their wrongdoing secret, and avoid emboldening other customers and workers from bringing legal action.”● Perhaps most serious, arbitration clauses, like the one from Instagram, prohibit class-action suits - like the one that's just been filed against Instagram over the new Terms of Use.  When millions of people are cheated out of relatively small amounts per person, each can’t go through a cumbersome arbitration process to get her or his money back.  The only hope for justice – and the only real deterrent to fraud – is a class-action.  But the Supreme Court has upheld the prerogative of big business to deny consumers that right.And it’s not just consumer issues.  Arbitration, and with it the ban on class-actions, is spreading to employment contracts, threatening to make it nearly impossible for workers to sue over race, sex or age discrimination.CONGRESS CAN FIX THISThe Arbitration Fairness Act of 2011 would bar forced arbitration in most civil rights, consumer, and employment discrimination cases.  The bill never got out of committee.  We hope members of the new Congress will try again.In the meantime, if you use Instagram, be sure to write out that opt-out letter and mail it to Instagram, LLC ATTN: Arbitration Opt-out 1601 Willow Rd. Menlo Park, CA 94025.

Make a New Year's resolution to help us fix the Senate

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CALL YOUR SENATORS:1-888-717-0911
Next week brings not just a new year but also a new UnitedStates Congress.   Each new Congress hasthe right to establish its own rules. And that’s why next week is the best opportunity finally to end themassive Republican obstruction of the work of the United States Senate.

As Jonathan Bernstein explains on the WashingtonPost Plum Line blog, thewidely-quoted figures about cloture votes to end filibusters actuallyunderstate the extent of the problem. He writes:  
In the historic 111th Congress, Sen. Mitch McConnell and the Republicansdecided to create a 60-vote Senate, which meant that 60 votes were needed onabsolutely everything. Which means that they filibustered every single bill,every single nomination, every single amendment, even every single motion, orat least all those for which the Senate rules allowed them to force a 60-votesupermajority. It wasn’t 137 filibusters; it was far, far more.  
Bernstein offers a more detailed primer about howRepublicans turned rarely used delaying tactics into weapons of massobstruction onhis own blog.
But we can change all this next week.  Make a New Year’s resolution to ring out theold year and ring in the new by calling your Senators and telling them you wantreal Senate rules reform. 
CALL YOUR SENATORS: 1-888-717-0911
● We have an overview of the issue on ourwebsite● Hear the media briefing from AFJ President NanAron, Larry Cohen of the Communications Workers of America and Michael Brune ofthe Sierra Club on ourYouTube channel.● There’s much more at www.fixthesenatenow.org
We wish you, and the new United State Senate, ahappy and productive New Year.

31 Aralık 2012 Pazartesi

Buried Treasure

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Take a look at what we just found.  We were reading another case and came across(in a long string citation) an intriguing reference to Purchase v. Advanced Bionics, LLC,No. 2:08-cv-02442-JPM-tmp, slip op. (W.D. Tenn. Aug. 4, 2011) (McCalla, C.J.), in the context of PMA preemption.  We'd never heard of that opinion before.  Well, we have a PACER account and know how touse it, so we obtained the actual decision.
If you make Riegel-based PMA preemptionarguments, you’ll probably be interested in these holdings in Purchase:
  • A defendant’s alleged failure to obtain supplemental FDA approval of a change to a device involves an “administrative,” not a “safety” requirement.  Such allegations are thus preempted “disguised fraud on the FDA” and as improper private FDCA causes of action.
  •  “Derivative” misbranding/adulteration claims based on the same allegations are likewise preempted.
  • A defendant’s alleged failure to notify the FDA of a major change to a device in its annual report likewise involves an “administrative,” not a “safety” requirement, and is equally preempted.
  • Various FDA GMP regulations (21 C.F.R. §§ 820.20, 820.80, 820.100, and 820.198) are “too generic to provide a requirement that could support a parallel claim.”

Happy holidays to all.

Preemption Wonderland

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For the holidays, we have for you the story of Littlebear v. Advanced Bionics, LLC, 2012 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 179388 (N.D. Ok. Dec. 19, 2012).  The story is to be sung, of course, to the tune of Winter Wonderland.  Enjoy boys and girls.

Preemption Wonderland 
Sleigh bells ring, Buckman Preemption, In the lane, PMA PreemptionA beautiful sight,We're happy tonight.Walking in Preemption wonderland.
Gone away, negligence per seEnforcing regs, that’s for FDAWe sing a love song,As we go along,Walking in Preemption wonderland.
In the complaint plaintiff has a strawman,Fix the PMA mark your AEs downHe says: Are these claims?Court says: Buckman, They can’t do the jobGet out of town.
Later on, plaintiff conspires,Obligations, his own desires, They’re not FDA made,  Or just too darn vague,Walking in Preemption wonderland.
In the complaint some claims they don’t go man,They’re parallel and get to hang around,But that’s not a lot,don’t you know man,Later the defense can knock ‘em down.
When courts preempt, ain't it thrillin’,Plaintiff’s nose gets a chillin’We'll frolic and play, the pro-defense way,Walking in Preemption wonderland